Protocol No. XII

 

Protocol No. XII 

THE word “Liberty” can be differently interpreted. We will define it as follows: Liberty is the right to do that which is permitted by law. 

Such a definition of this word will eventually serve us, because liberty will be in our power; and also, because the laws will either destroy or construct only what we desire in accordance with the above-mentioned program. We will deal with the press in the following manner: What is the present role of the press? 

It serves to arouse furious passions or egotistic party dissensions which may be necessary for our purpose. It is empty, unjust, inaccurate, and most people do not understand what end it serves.

We will shackle it and keep a tight rein on it. We will also do the same with other printed matter, for what use would it be for us to rid ourselves of attacks on the part of the periodical press if we remain open to criticism through pamphlets and books? 

We will convert the products of publicity, now so expensive, owing to the need of censorship, into a source of income for our state. We will impose a special stamp tax. When a newspaper printing shop is started, bonds will have to be deposited, which will guarantee our government from all attacks on the part of the press. 

In case of an attack, we will mercilessly impose fines. Such measures as stamps, bonds, and fines, the payment of which is guaranteed by the bonds, will bring a huge income to the government. 

It is true that party papers might not fear the loss of money, so we will suppress these after the second attack on us. No one shall touch the prestige of our political infallibility and remain unpunished. The pretext for stopping a publication will be that the publication in question excites public opinion without cause or reason. I ask you to bear in mind, that among those who attack us there will be also organs established by us, but they will attack exclusively those points which we plan to change. 

Not one notice will be made public without our control. This is already being done by us, since the news from all parts of the world is received through several agencies in which it is centralized. These agencies will then be completely in our power and they will publish only such news as we will permit. If we have already managed to subjugate the minds of the Goys to such an extent that almost all of them see world events through colored glasses which we put over their eyes ; 

if, even at present, there is not one state which bars our access to state secrets, so termed by the stupid Goys, then what will it be when we, in the person of our universal sovereign, are the recognized rulers of the world? 

Let us return to the future of the press. Anybody who wishes to become an editor, a librarian, or a printer, will be obliged to obtain a diploma, which in case of disobedience will be immediately revoked. With such measures, thought will become an educational instrument in the hands of our government, which will not allow the people to he led astray into realms of fancy and dreams about beneficent progress. 

Who of us does not know that these fantastic blessings are the direct road to baseless hopes which lead to anarchistic relations between the people and the government? Progress, or better still the idea of progress, has led to the creation of different modes of emancipation without setting any limit to it. All so-called liberals are essentially anarchists in thought if not in action. Each one of them pursues the phantom of liberty, becoming self-willed, that is to say, falling into a state of anarchy by protesting for the mere sake of protesting. 

We will now again refer to the question of the press. We will place stamp taxes secured by bonds on each page of all printed matter, while on books containing less than four hundred and eighty pages we will place a double tax. We will classify them as pamphlets, so as to lessen the number of magazines, which represent the worst printed poison — and on the other hand, to force writers to prepare such long works that they will be little read, especially as they will be expensive. 

Our own publications, guiding public opinion in the direction we desire, will be cheap and rapidly bought. The tax will discourage the writing of mere leisure literature, whereas punishment will make the writers dependent upon us. Even if there were writers who would like to attack us, they would find no publishers for their works. Before printing any work, the editor or printer will have to apply to the authorities for permission. We will then know beforehand of the attacks that are being prepared against us, and we will destroy them by coming out with advance statements on the subject. 

Literature and journalism are the two most important educational forces; for this reason. our government will become the owner of most of the periodicals. This will neutralize the injurious influence of the private press and have great influence on the people. If we permit ten periodicals, we ourselves will print thirty, and so forth. This, however, must not be suspected by the public. All the periodicals published by us will seem to be of contradictory views and opinions, inviting trust in us, thus attracting to us unsuspecting enemies, and in this way they will be caught in our trap and made harmless

The predominant place will be held by periodicals of an official character. They will always stand guard over our interests and consequently their influence will be comparatively limited. In the second category we will place semi-official organs, whose aim will be to attract the indifferent and little interested. The third category will be our ostensible opposition, which at least in one of its publications will represent the opposition to us. 

Our real enemies will mistake this seeming opposition as belonging to their own group and will thus show us their cards. All our newspapers will represent different tendencies, namely, aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchistic, so long of course as the constitution lasts. Like the Indian God Vishnu, these periodicals will have one hundred arms, each of which will reach the pulse of every group of public opinion. When the pulse beats faster, these arms will guide opinion toward our aims, since the excited person loses the power of reasoning and is easily led. 

Those fools who believe that they repeat the opinions expressed by the newspapers of their party will be repeating our opinions or those which we desire them to have. Imagining that they are following the press of their party, they will follow the flag which we will fly for them. In order that our newspaper militia may carry out our program, we must organize the press with great care. Under the title of the Central Department of the press, we will organize literary meetings at which our agents unnoticed will give the passwords and countersigns. Discussing and contradicting our policies, although always superficially, without touching their essence, our press will conduct an empty fire against official newspapers so as to give us only an opportunity to express ourselves in greater detail than we were able to in our preliminary declarations. 

This, of course, will be done when it is useful to us. These attacks against us will also seem to convince the people that complete liberty of the press still exists, and it will give our agents the opportunity to declare that the papers opposing us are mere wind-bags, since they are unable to find any real ground to refute our orders. Such measures, which will escape the notice of public attention, will be the most successful means of guiding the public mind and of inspiring confidence in our government. 

Thanks to them, we will as the need arises excite or pacify the public mind on political questions. We will be able to persuade or confuse them, sometimes printing the truth, sometimes lies, referring to facts or contradicting them according to the way they are received by the public, always carefully sounding the ground before stepping on it. We will surely conquer our enemies, because they will not have the press at their disposal in which to express themselves in full. 

Moreover, with the above mentioned plans against the press, we will not even need to refute them seriously. The trial balloons thrown out by us in the third category of our press, we will deny energetically, in case of need, in our semi-official organs. In French journalism there already exists the Masonic solidarity of a password; all organs of the press are bound by professional secrecy; like the ancient augurs, not one member will disclose his secret if he is not ordered to do so. 

Not one journalist will dare to disclose this secret, for not one of them is admitted to literary headquarters unless he has a disgraceful action in his past record. The fact would immediately be made public. While these disgraceful actions are known only to a few, the prestige of the journalist attracts opinion throughout the country — he is admired. 

Our plans must extend chiefly to the provincial districts. There we must excite hopes and ambitions opposed to those of the capitals, by means of which we may always attack them, presenting such ambitions to the capitals as the inspired views and aims of provincial districts. It is obvious that their source will be ours. 

It is necessary for us that while we are not yet in full power, the capital should be under the influence of provincial public opinion; that is under the influence of the majority prearranged by our agents. It is necessary for us that at the critical psychological moment the capitals should not discuss an accomplished fact, for the mere reason that it had been accepted by the provincial majority. When we reach the phase of the new regime, which is transitory to our accession to power, we must not allow the press to expose social corruption. It must be thought that the new regime has satisfied everybody to full extent that even criminality has stopped. Cases of criminal activity must only be known to their victims or their accidental witnesses, and to these alone.